Republican L. Scott Lingamfelter has represented the 31st district as a member of Virginia’s General Assembly since 2002. Because of this political experience, Lingamfelter is assigned to the powerful House Appropriations Committee in addition to Education, and Militia, Police and Public Safety. The 18-year Army veteran was the chief patron of 19 bills in 2017; sixteen of them address a range of issues including criminal justice, immigration (HB 1999), school safety (HB 1392), and the environment (HB 2383). The other three, HJ 813, HR 292, and HR 355, are commemorative rather than substantive.
The majority of the substantive bills Lingamfelter has sponsored this year have not been signed into law. Instead, most have either remained in the House – left or tabled in the Courts of Justice, Rules, and Appropriations committees – or been vetoed by Governor Terry McAuliffe. One of those bills the Democratic Governor vetoed was HB 1790, the Administrative Process Act, which would have required agencies to regulate in “the least burdensome and intrusive” manner according to “guiding principles” and to self-review their regulations over a 10-year period. The Republican-controlled House failed to override the veto by a single vote, 66-34. The second bill vetoed by McAuliffe, HB 1791, provided that anyone who instigated a riot against a policeman, firefighter, emergency medical services personnel, or member of the Virginia National Guard would be guilty of a Class 3 felony.
As someone who is on the Militia, Police, and Public Safety Committee and campaigning on ensuring “the safety of our communities,” much like fellow Republican Ed Gillespie is doing with the MS-13 ads, Lingamfelter often sponsors bills such as HB 1791 that center on criminal justice and public safety. Although it failed to pass, HB 1616 made the distribution or sale of a controlled substance resulting in “the killing of another” a felony homicide. Had it been signed into law, HB 2253 would have increased the sentencing for use or display of a firearm during commission of certain felonies on first and second offenses. HB 1616 and HB 2253 were assigned to the Committee for Courts of Justice, which, along with the Committee for Militia, Police and Public Safety and Committee on Appropriations, was a common trend for the bills Lingamfelter sponsored in 2017.
Lingamfelter, who has worked in the D.C. private sector since retiring from the Army, has between $100,001 and $500,000 in stock and investments. Thirty-nine percent of legislators have similar assets. According to the Virginia Public Access Project, Lingamfelter owns property other than his primary residence; only 18 percent of legislators have similar holdings. Unsurprisingly, Lingamfelter’s conflicts of interests disclosure highlights real estate, mutual funds/investments, and gifts and payments for public meetings as areas of concern. However, the only gift Lingamfelter received, apart from financial contributions, was a private dinner at Rappahannock Restaurant in Richmond, VA paid for by Virginia Forever, a coalition of environmental organizations, businesses, and environmentalists that focuses on increasing “funding for natural resources protection.” There were 58 attendees including Virginia’s secretaries of agriculture and commerce, another member of the House Appropriations Committee, and a member of the Senate Democratic Caucus.
Lingamfelter does seem to diverge from the Republican establishment in his emphasis on environmental action, which the Democratic Caucus member supports enough to have attended the dinner. Just over $117,300, the bulk of Lingamfelter’s donations, have come from the Capitol (Richmond) region, while $40,165 have come from Northern Virginia. The Piedmont and Shenandoah regions have also doled out moderate funds for Lingamfelter: $21,950 and $38,800 respectively. Donors with political occupations have contributed by far the most at $110,060; those in real estate have given the second-highest amount at $32,215.
One can see the way in which Virginia’s lack of campaign finance rules plays out when analyzing Lingamfelter’s donors. The Republican Party of Virginia has devoted $34,460 to the campaign. Gilbert for Delegate, a PAC in support of Todd Gilbert in the 15th district and other Republican candidates for the General Assembly, has given $24,000. This is one illustration of how money is divvied up without restriction in Virginia state elections. The Colonial Leadership Trust, a PAC created to “advance conservative ideas and policies in the Commonwealth,” has donated $10,500. The Majority Leader PAC has put forward $5,000 in its effort to have Lingamfelter re-elected. The National Rifle Association, an influential interest group at all levels of this country’s government, has given $2,500. Dominion Energy, as we have read and discussed in class as a major power (pun intended) player in Virginia politics, has contributed $3,500, which is small in comparison to its donations to other candidates, though not insignificant.
On the individual level, William H. Godwin Jr., Rector of UVA, is just one of several extremely wealthy businessmen who have financially backed Lingamfelter; Godwin has given $5,000.
Virginia Politics and Elections 